Recebido em: 24/02/2023a
Aceito em: 01/09/2023
Stability and Institutional Changes
in Productive Agglomerations
Estabilidade e Mudanças
Institucionais em Aglomerações Produtivas
Celio Favoni1i,
Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3964-9715; Mario
Sacomano Neto2ii, Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2561-1700; Luiz
Fernando de Oriani e Paulillo3iii, Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2627-7887; Diego
Rorato Fogaça4iv, Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1909-5236
1.
Faculdade de Tecnologia de Jahu - SP – Brasil. E-mail:
favoni@hotmail.com
2.
Universidade Federal
de São Carlos - UFsCar
- SP – Brasil. E-mail:
msacomano@ufscar.br
3.
Universidade Federal
de São Carlos - UFsCar
- SP – Brasil. E-mail:
dlfp@ufscar.br
4.
Universidade Federal
do Mato Grosso do Sul – UFMS, MS,
Brasil. E-mail: fogaca.diego@gmail.com
Abstract
The study of institutional change
is an area of research
in organizational theory, and the study
of regional politics is on the institutional research agenda. This implies
exploring how institutions matter for regional development and how the role of
the State impacts the environment of regions formed by micro and small
businesses. Thus, this article presents and
analyzes the type of institutional change in the productive agglomeration of
footwear in Jaú/SP. This is a case study of a descriptive, exploratory, and
historical nature. The mixed approach subsidized the methodology with
quantitative analysis of economic data and qualitative analysis of data
collected through documents and an interview script with nine actors linked to
the governance of the cluster. The
results pointed to the layered type of change where small modifications are
introduced and coexist with old practices. The events altered the socioeconomic
conditions but did not modify the institutional structure.
Keywords: institutional
theory; institutional change;
cluster.
Resumo
O estudo da mudança institucional é uma área
de pesquisa na teoria organizacional, e o estudo
de políticas regionais está na agenda de pesquisa sobre instituições. Isso
implica explorar como as instituições importam para o desenvolvimento regional
e como o papel do Estado impacta no ambiente
de regiões formadas por micro e pequenos
negócios. Assim, este artigo
apresenta e analisa o tipo de mudança institucional na aglomeração produtiva de
calçados de Jaú/SP. Trata-se de um estudo de caso de natureza descritiva,
exploratória e histórica. A abordagem mista subsidiou a metodologia, tendo a
análise quantitativa para os dados econômicos e análise qualitativa para os
dados coletados por meio de documentos e um
roteiro de entrevistas com nove atores ligados
à governança do aglomerado. Os resultados
apontaram o tipo de mudança em camadas,
quando pequenas modificações são introduzidas e
coexistem com práticas antigas. Os eventos alteraram as condições
socioeconômicas, mas não modificaram
a estrutura institucional.
Palavras-chave: teoria institucional; mudança institucional; aglomerações produtivas.
Citação: Favoni, C., Sacomano Neto, Mario, Oriani e Paulillo, L. F. & Fogaça,
D. R. (2025). Stability and
Institutional Changes in Productive Agglomerations. Gestão &
Regionalidade, v. 41, e20259004. https//doi.org/10.13037/gr.vol41.e20259004
1 Introduction
Institutional Theory arouses great attention in the field
of organizational studies (Deephouse & Suchman, 2008; Kluttz &
Fligstein, 2016; Morselli, 2021; Fligstein & Goldstein, 2022) by
highlighting the influence of regulative, normative and cognitive institutional
elements (Beckert, 2010) to explain individual and organizational actions (Coccia, 2018) from the perspective that
social action occurs in defined arenas (Fligstein, 2013). The essential premise
is that socially shared rules, norms, and assumptions drive organizational
decision-making and practices (Tolbert, David, & Sine, 2011). In addition,
it provides a non-economic, but rather institutional, explanation of
organizational behavior and strategies (Dimaggio & Powell, 2007; Yang &
Su, 2014; Morselli, 2021).
The institutional context refers to the set of
environmental elements of an institutional and technical nature that involves
organizations with which it interacts (Scott, 2001) and can have three levels:
local/regional, international, and national (Coraiola, Jacometti, &
Baratter, 2015). Although there are several studies on
the institutional context, the problem of understanding why and what are the
sources of stability and change in an institution persists, and understanding
how this occurs is a central challenge for institutionalists (Streeck &
Thelen, 2005; Beckert, 2010; Fligstein, 2013).
The study of institutional change is a central area of
research in organizational theory (Béland & Powell, 2016; Micelotta,
Lounsbury, & Greenwood, 2017), and the literature proposes different
theoretical frameworks by maintaining that this process can be the result of external or internal
factors, as well as abrupt or incremental shocks (Kingston & Caballero,
2009; Gerschewski, 2021). Institutional change can sometimes be revolutionary
and, at other times, slower or fragmented (Fligstein, 2013). Institutional
change can be incremental since it is easier to gain consensus on small
adjustments that can cause major changes to existing rules (Mahoney & Thelen, 2010; Kingston & Caballero,
2009). Incremental institutional change brings about the understanding of
catalysts of change, in which exogenous factors mean mechanisms that trigger
institutional change (Coccia, 2018). Seeleib-Kaiser (2008) also points out
that, for any analysis of institutional change, a systematic conceptualization
of the time period and categories one is analyzing is needed to be able to
judge whether changes in the environment constitute a significant change.
In this context, the study of regional policies is
included in the research agenda on institutions (Glückler & Lenz, 2016; Benner, 2017; Jacometti, Gonçalves, & Castro, 2014). In institutional analysis,
the focus of the analyses ceases to be on one or another social actor, focusing
instead on the quality of the relationships between actors (Kluttz &
Fligstein, 2016). In this sense,
studies of the institutional approach for the
analysis of regional development are
lacking. The productive agglomeration is understood as an institution because
it involves political, economic, and social issues by having values, norms,
customs, codes of conduct, and
markets (North, 1990; Tavares, Leite, & Carvalho, 2011) or because
it contributes to the innovation process of the locality (Barbosa Leite et al.,
2023)
One of the hypotheses that this research planned to
validate is the importance of the role of institutional actors in the context
of regional development (Araujo Aguiar & Moreira, 2022). Studies have
indicated evidence of institutionalizing action by the Brazilian Micro and
Small Business Support Service (SEBRAE) as an inducing agent of behaviors in
productive agglomerations (Tavares et al., 2011) acting as an
intermediary of organizational and institutional transformations, as well as a carrier of managerial knowledge for micro and small businesses in recent decades (Ralio
& Donadone, 2019).
To contribute to this discussion, the current study aimed
to analyze the type of institutional change in the productive agglomeration of
footwear in the Brazilian city of Jaú between the years 2001 and 2019, based on
the typology developed by Mahoney and Thelen (2010). The typology allowed the
identification and classification of events that caused changes in this
productive region. The relationship between economic performance and productive
agglomerations was also verified when compared with other footwear-producing
regions in Brazil. The research results indicated a type of layered
institutional change where small modifications are introduced and coexist with
old practices, reflecting Streeck and Thelen’s (2005) results. The events
altered socioeconomic conditions but did not change the institutional
structure.
2 Institutions and Institutional Change
The literature suggests different definitions of
institutions that affect perspectives for studying and
explaining institutional change (Thornton, Ocasio, & Lounsbury, 2012;
Coccia, 2018; Samadi & Alipourian, 2021). In the classical
definition, institutions are "the rules
of the game in a society, or more formally, how conceived human constraints
shape human interaction, reducing uncertainty and
providing a framework for everyday life" (North, 1990, p. 3). It can also
be conceived as "cultural elements – cognitive, normative and regulatory that, with associated activities and
resources, provide stability and meaning to social life" (Scott, 2001, p.
48). For Mahoney and Thelen (2010) institutions are relatively enduring characteristics of political and social life and cannot
be changed easily or instantaneously. By reducing uncertainty, they provide a
structure for everyday life and form incentives in political, social, and
economic exchanges.
The concept of
institution is central
to approaches that aim
to understand the processes of
institutional change. In the view of Mahoney and Thelen (2010) and Gerschewski
(2021), institutions often change in subtle and gradual ways over time.
Institutional change has multiple forms and strategies that differ
systematically according to the character of the institutions and political
scenarios in which they are situated (Béland & Powell, 2016). Thus,
theories of institutional change are plural and sometimes contradictory
(Maggetti, 2014). To explain the development of institutions, theories sometimes
focus on the coordinated efforts of
actors to overcome their problems of collective action, or focus on the
struggles that produce new forms that create winners and losers (Tang, 2011).
In the literature, there is a distinction between authors who study large
changes as a result of exogenous shocks and those
who study ongoing incremental changes (Van Der Heijden, 2014).
In explaining situations of change, historical
institutionalists draw attention to critical junctures, understood as
periods that open opportunities for agents to change the development trajectory of a policy or institution,
resulting in a new path of development that persists for a long period
(Capoccia & Kelemen, 2007; Venturini, 2021).
Thelen (2003) and Gerschewski (2021) indicate a theory of
institutional change critical of the
neo-institutional model of punctuated equilibrium of True, Jones, and
Baumgartner (1999) and Shapiro (2002), which advocates the existence of
critical moments, that interrupt institutional inertia and provoke radical
changes. For theories of institutional change, transformations are determined
by the characteristics of the political context, the institution itself, and
the type of behavior of the dominant agent of change (Thelen, 2009).
The analysis of change is also related to the notion of path
dependence, according to which the institutional arrangements established
at a given moment become rooted due to their
ability to shape the incentives, worldviews, and resources of the actors and
groups affected by the institution (Capoccia & Kelemen, 2007). For Béland
and Powell, (2016), the concept of path dependency implies stability in
that it is brought about by endogenous factors that reinforce the status quo
and that hinder the initiation of a major change.
Institutional arrangements can be defined as
sociocultural constructions that prescribe appropriate organizational behaviors
and that shape and impose patterns of interests and privileges (Micelotta,
Lounsbury, & Greenwood, 2017). The literature has sought to understand how
these arrangements are disturbed and altered, why change occurs, who initiates
and enacts them, and what the effects are (Greenwood, Oliver, & Lawrence,
2017; Thornton, Ocasio, & Lounsbury, 2012).
Although the greatest interest remains in the explanation
of institutional change, stability is a fundamental issue, because to
understand it one must explain, in parallel terms, the change (Hall, 2010). The
explanation of the stability of market structures garners much more attention
than issues of change (Beckert, 2010). For Thelen (2003) and Mahoney and Thelen
(2010), change and stability are intrinsically linked and those who benefit
from existing agreements may have an objective preference for continuity.
However, ensuring such continuity requires
the continued mobilization of political support, as well as efforts to resolve
institutional ambiguities, where they exist.
On the one hand, the explanation of the process of
institutional change is based on exogenous factors; on the other hand, it can
also be explained by endogenous factors, where the causal elements of the
change result from the behavior of the agents internal to the institutions
(Streeck & Thelen, 2005; Mahoney & Thelen, 2010). Institutional
transformation is often gradual or subtle, not particularly abrupt, with rather
mundane motives (Powell & Colyvas, 2008), where seemingly small changes
can accumulate into a significant institutional transformation (Thelen, 2003; Streeck &
Thelen, 2005; Mahoney & Thelen, 2010).
2.1
Types of institutional change
The literature uses various
terminologies to argue that small incremental changes that accumulate on top of each
other can add up to a significant change (Hinrichs &
Kangas, 2003; Jensen, 2009; Béland & Powell, 2016). In this article, we used the types of change
defined by Mahoney and Thelen (2010), which, despite having reduced predictive
capacity, have exceptional value in providing a single set of terms to explain
real examples of institutional change (Van Der Heijden 2014). They noted
that the main approaches to
institutional analysis face problems
in explaining change and, as a solution, identified four types of institutional
transformations: displacement, layering, drifting, and conversion.
Displacement occurs when there is removal and replacement
of existing rules and practices by
new and unknown templates. It can be abrupt with the collapse of
institutions and subsequent
replacement by new rules. It can also be a slow and gradual process when new
rules and institutions are introduced and compete with older rules, rather than
overturning them immediately (Mahoney & Thelen, 2010; Venturini, 2021).
Layering occurs through differentiated growth (Streeck
& Thelen, 2005) in which small modifications are introduced and coexist
with old practices, that is, the new does not replace the old, but is added to
these and thus gradually changes its status and structure (Mahoney & Thelen, 2010). This implies
the constitution of parallel or overlapping rules but
is
related to the occurrence of changes, revisions, and additions to the existing
rules, which can result in
significant changes in the long term (Mahoney & Thelen, 2010; Venturini, 2021). This is a type of explanation that
differs from the equilibrium literature in having a stance that major changes
can, and likely will, result from layers of new policies, rules, or agents
added to an existing institution, or policy (Béland & Powell, 2016).
The institutional change of drift occurs when the impact
of the rules is altered due to changes that have occurred in the environment
where the institution is inserted. The formal rules are not modified, but their
impact on society varies due to the negligence of the agents regarding the
environment (Thelen, 2003; Streeck & Thelen, 2005; Mahoney & Thelen, 2010). Therefore, drift occurs when
external changes alter the results of the rules without there having been a change in the rules themselves (Hacker &
Pierson, 2015). This mechanism
seems to be related to the mechanism described in the literature of punctuated
equilibrium where exogenous effects result in institutional change (Van Der
Heijden, 2014).
Change by conversion does not imply changes in the formal
rules of the institutions but in
their application. It is considered that the institutions themselves do not
change but are used to serve new purposes (Van Der Heijden, 2014): the agents
interested in change do not change the formal rules but reinterpret them in a
way that modifies the status quo. The conversion strategy does
not result from the negligence of the agents. It is strategically produced by
agents who exploit institutional ambiguities to provide change and give new
purpose to institutions (Rocco & Thurston, 2014).
Understanding these different types of institutional
change—including the roles that institutional supporters and challengers
typically play within each—aids in understanding the dynamics, stability, and
crisis of clusters.
3 Methodology
This is a mixed research using the technique of survey
and analysis of economic data (quantitative) and semi-structured interviews to
obtain information on the formation and governance of the cluster
(qualitative). The case study strategy was adopted in the productive
agglomeration of women's shoes in Jaú/SP. This qualitative research
method can be used for a variety of
analysis purposes and is particularly strong and most often used for theory
construction and validation purposes. It is characterized by an emphasis on the
perspective of the individual being studied. The subjective reality
of the individuals involved in the survey is considered relevant and contributed to the
development of the research (Hancock, Algozzine, & Lim, 2021).
3.1
Data collection
In the first phase, a search was conducted for official
documents detailing the history and formation of the footwear sector, the
composition of the board, and news on the official website of the Employers'
Union (Sindicalçados, 2022), as well as secondary data from the Annual Social
Information List – RAIS (2022) and the State Data Analysis System Foundation
(Seade, 2022).
In addition, there was the collection and analysis of
documents made available by the Unions, as specified in Chart 1. With this, the
search for documents that supported the development of the study was completed.
The steps to conduct this stage were: collection of news,
analysis of projects and documents, 10 personal visits to the entity in the
period from 2017 to 2019, archiving and annotation of the information that
presented greater relevance and those related to the theme of the study.
Chart 1
List of documents
made available by the Syndicate of Footwear Workers
of Jaú/SP
|
- Financial report
of the agreement between the Syndicates and APEX — (PSI)
— 2001
|
|
- Presentation: Sustainable Development of the Footwear Pole
of Jaú – Sebrae
Regional Office Bauru
- 2002
|
|
- Report Study
of Business Activity - Footwear Sector
Manufacture of Women's Footwear Jaú / SP - Sebrae -
2002
|
|
- Strategic Planning Workshop
Report – Footwear Sector of Jaú – Sebrae – 2003.
|
|
- Presentation Sebrae/SP Program for APLs - Term
of Reference in APL - 2003
|
|
- Final Project
of Execution of Agreements - APL - FINEP - 2005
|
|
- APL Development Plan
- Companies and Business - Federal Government - 2007
|
|
- Technical Notes - A competitiveness agenda
for the São Paulo industry, leather and footwear chain - IPT - 2008
|
|
- Strategy paper
– BRA SPO CLJ – Competitiveness - 2010
|
|
- Publicity
material Inova Jaú
Initiative – Competitiveness - 2010
|
|
- Primer Brazil Next
– Profile of the footwear industry of Jaú and suggestions for public policies - Observatory of Local Development in the Center of São Paulo - 2014
|
Source: Prepared by the authors.
After a preliminary examination of the documents, a
script of interviews was elaborated with 12 questions about historical events,
public policies, and decision-making processes, as well as the challenges faced
by the social actors of the cluster (Appendix 1).
3.2 Interviews
The script was assessed by academics and teachers before
its use in the field (Mosley, 2013). The interviews were collected between July
2017 and September 2018, totaling 8 hours
and 47 minutes of recorded audio, transcribed, and separated into categories
that enabled the analysis of the narratives.
The choice of the interviewed actors was intentional by
data saturation, where the researcher selects among the population individuals
who are good sources of information for the study. Regarding
"saturation" or redundancy, it is often used to justify the closure
of the collection and the definition of the number of respondents. The
criterion to define the closure of the interviews derives from the researcher's
observation that continuing with the collection process would not add
information that contributes to the development or deepening of each category
analyzed by the research undertaken (Lauretto, Nakano, & Pereira, 2012).
Nine interviews were conducted with central actors active
in the governance of the cluster, being entrepreneurs, directors of the
Employers' Union (Sindicalçados), managers of Sebrae, and representatives of
higher education institutions. Chart 2 presents the selected actor, activity
developed, and time in the productive agglomeration. As anonymity was
requested, the names of the research actors were not listed, and each
participant was assigned the letter "E" of the interviewee, followed
by a corresponding sequence number.
Chart 2
Interviewed actors, activity,
and time in the cluster
|
N°
|
Activity developed
|
Uptime
|
|
E01
|
38 years as executive director of Sindicalçados
|
1979 - present
|
|
E02
|
15 years as an entrepreneur and director of Sindicalçados
|
1998 to 2012
|
|
E03
|
20 years as a businessman, nine
on the board
of Sindicalçados
|
1993 to 2013
|
|
E04
|
Grandson of the 1st shoe
manufacturer of Jaú
|
1950 – 2019
|
|
E05
|
5 years as manager of
Sindicalçados
|
2003 to 2008
|
|
E06
|
Project Manager at Sebrae
|
1998 to 2011
|
|
E07
|
Entrepreneur
in the footwear industry
|
1986 to 2013
|
|
E08
|
24 years as a businessman, and director of Sindicalçados since 1999
|
1976 to 2015
|
|
E09
|
39 years as a member of the Board
of Directors of the Unions
and current president
|
1979 - present
|
Source: Prepared by the authors.
3.3 Analysis of the results
The documental and narrative analysis allowed the
identification of striking historical events in the construction of the social
space of the research. It is important to study these documents aiming at the
objective of "investigating the social facts and their relations with
chronological sociocultural time" (Richardson, 2017, p. 182).
Narratives about events of the creation of the locality,
its evolution, consolidation, business practices, and actions of the public
power were mapped. This procedure allowed the identification of the central
narratives reported by each actor, which could then be associated with the
typology of Mahoney and Thelen (2010).
As an additional instrument for validating the economic
information collected, two one-factor statistical tests of analysis of variance
(ANOVA) were performed to verify the relationship between the data of
companies and jobs in the
periods analyzed (2002 – 2009
and 2010 – 2019). In the first test, the response variable considered was the
variation of the companies, and in the second the number of jobs. The level of
significance adopted was 5%, i.e., a confidence level of 95%. The null hypothesis
(H₀) considers that there is no difference between the periods, and the
alternative hypothesis (H₁) considers that there is at least one period with a
different value (Casella & Berger, 2010).
4 Results and discussions
4.1
Economic and historical context
of productive agglomeration
The Brazilian domestic
market constitutes one of
the strengths of the national footwear industry, which absorbed about
86% of production in 2021. Production is concentrated in the state of Ceará
with 24% of national production, followed by Rio Grande do Sul (20.8%), Paraíba
(18.4%), Minas Gerais (15.1%), and São Paulo (5.5%) (Brazilian Association of
Footwear Industries - Abicalçados, 2022). An interesting feature of the
Brazilian footwear industry is its ability to organize itself in agglomerations
of companies, especially those established in Campina Grande (PB), Sobral (CE),
Vale dos Sinos (RS), and the mining centers of Montes Claros and Nova Serrana,
representing more than 63.2% of national production (Abicalçados, 2022).
The footwear production cluster of Jaú/SP is formed
mostly by micro and small companies (97.3% with up to 99 employees), and 84.4%
had up to 19 employees in 2020 (Rais, 2022). It is formally recognized by
federal, state, and municipal government agencies, which has allowed its
insertion in public policies aimed at the development of business clusters
(Secretariat of Economic Development – SDE, 2022). In Jaú, jobs in the footwear
sector represented more than 25% of the municipality in 2006 and 2007, and in 2019
this percentage declined to 10.8% (4019 formal workers), lagging behind the
commerce and health sectors with
19.48% and 11.37%, respectively (Rais, 2022).
The economic oscillations and the regional displacement
of the Brazilian footwear industry affected the production in Jaú, which
directs all its production to the Brazilian domestic market. Estimated data
from Abicalçados indicated that Jaú produced about 5 million pairs of footwear in 2021, representing only 0.63% of
national production, ranking 16th in a ranking of 17 producing regions
(Abicalçados, 2022).
4.2 Institutional changes
in the cluster
A starting point for the study of institutional change is
the historical context in which institutions evolve (Streeck, 2009, Maggetti,
2014). The following is a brief account of the events described in the
narratives of the research interviewees (Chart 3).
Chart 3
Remarkable events
in the formation of the productive agglomeration of footwear in Jaú/SP.
|
In 1979 - Founding
of the Trade Unions
|
|
In 1991 - Beginning of the activities of Sebrae Bauru
|
|
In 2001 – The Integrated Sectorial Program (PSI) of the Federal Government took place
|
|
2003 – Recognition by the government of SP as "Local Productive Arrangement – APL of Jaú" and "Polo calçadista de
Jaú"
|
|
2006 - Inclusion in the Program
for the Strengthening of APLs of the State
of São Paulo
|
|
2007 – The public event of dissemination of the cluster
takes place: "O Salto do Calçado"
|
|
2009 - Public
Civil Action filed
by the Labor
Prosecutor's Office against Sebrae Nacional
|
|
2010 - Project INOVA JAÚ
INITIATIVE with support from Sebrae, Inter-American Development Bank
(IDB) and Secretariat of
Economic Development
|
|
2013 – Realization of the project
of the Competitive Innovation Center of the Paula
Souza Center
|
|
2014 - Last
Edition of Local
footwear fair "Jaú Trend Show"
|
|
2017 - I Tripartite Seminar (Trade Unions, Workers' Union
and City Hall)
|
|
2019 - Initiative to resume local
footwear fairs: Jaú Fashion
Show
|
Source:
Elaborated by the authors based
on the narratives of the interviewees.
Footwear activity has its origins with the first
shoemakers of the early twentieth century, who manufactured shoes and leather
boots for workers and the local community. With the decline of coffee and
sugarcane production in the 1950s, footwear production became a viable option,
gaining economic strength and political projection. In 1979, the association of
footwear industries of Jaú was founded, currently Sindicalçados (Chart 3).
With the implementation of the Sebrae unit in Bauru in
1991, companies in Jaú had access to training, courses, and consultancies that expanded from 2001 signing
of the PSI with financial contributions from the Export Promotion
Agency – APEX and Sebrae.
4.3
Integrated Sector Program
(PSI)
This program aimed to increase
the exports of footwear
from the agglomeration of
Jaú, raise the quality
standards of production, promote Brazilian footwear, and present to the
international
market Brazilian products through
fashion. In addition, the PSI generated for
the cluster promotional pieces (institutional video, catalog, CD-Rom,
Banners, gifts, and promotion kits, as well as Web platform) financed
the participation of local entrepreneurs in international fairs (Micam
/ Italy, WSA / Las Vegas, GDS / Germany
and Francal / Brazil),
as well as advertising coverage in magazines specialized in the sector such as Revista
Moda Pelle, Ars Sutoria Magazine, Vogue Pelle and Footwear
News Magazine (Sindicalçados, 2022).
The PSI, in addition to providing financial resources,
brought visibility and projects, as
there was greater participation and involvement of entities such as Senai,
Senac, Higher Education Institutions, and municipal and state public agencies.
Although it represents an exogenous factor,
the PSI can be considered an
event that triggered a series of positive actions such as trade fairs, training, lectures, and
consultancies, mainly with the effective participation
of entities of System S (Sebrae, Senai, and Senac) such as the project to stimulate the competitiveness of the
women's footwear industry in the region of Jaú, led by Sebrae/ Bauru.
Sebrae's performance in promoting regional development
originates from its own experiences supporting
micro and small companies through
specialized consultancies and also
supporting sectors and territories (Tavares et al., 2011; Ralio &
Donadone, 2019). In 2002, Sebrae prioritized the performance in productive
arrangements, and this decision was reinforced in 2003 when it elaborated its strategic
planning by signing the Terms of Reference
(Chart 3). This policy was supported by a sustainable development program, in
partnership with the municipal government and government entities, and it was
called "Local Productive Arrangement – APL of Women's Footwear of
Jaú", which made resources from public entities
such as the Department of Development of the state of São Paulo (SDE, 2022) available.
Economic results in the period between 2002 – 2009 show
that there was an increase of 93.94%
in the number of companies and 90% in the number
of jobs in Jaú – higher than
the average increase of other footwear-producing regions, which were 58.55% and
75.99%, respectively (Table 1).
4.4
Public Civil Action and its implications in the cluster
In 2009, the Federal Public Ministry filed a public civil
action against Sebrae Nacional, which
curbed the outsourcing of labor through cooperatives and legal entities (MPT, 2015). Within this new scenario,
several activities were paralyzed at the national level and were reflected in
the daily activities of this entity in Jaú, where the actions were directed to
only courses and specific actions, no longer within the scope of the Terms of
Reference.
Even after this event, some
initiatives sought to improve the image of the cluster, resume sales, and
establish closer relationships with footwear retailers and wholesalers. In June
2010, the presentation of the "Inova Jaú Initiative" project from the
Spanish company Competitiveness took
place, whose objective was to strengthen the competitiveness of the footwear
companies of Jaú (Chart 1). For E06 the work
of Competitiveness came, did all that...
then when I was going to start acting, hiring the Consultants... Public Civil Action
[...]. So it was an open business.
Thus, in the period between 2010–2019, the number of
formal companies decreased by 45.59%
and the number of jobs by 57.24%, which were higher than the average of other
footwear-producing regions (-20.56%
and -32.20%, respectively). The footwear industries,
which
formally employed more than 9,398 people in 2010, reduced this amount to a
little more than 4,019 in 2019 (RAIS, 2022). Other footwear producing regions
indicated a smaller retraction in economic data in the same period (Table 1).
Table 1
Change in the number of companies
and jobs in footwear regions
|
|
Companies¹
|
Jobs²
|
|
Municipalities/Periods
|
2002-2009
|
2010-2019
|
2002-2009
|
2010-2019
|
|
Jaú/SP - Brazil
|
93,94%
|
-45,59%
|
90,73%
|
-57,24%
|
|
Franca/SP - Brazil
|
29,69%
|
-27,85%
|
4,67%
|
-38,06%
|
|
Birigui/SP -
Brazil
|
56,89%
|
-14,17%
|
0,85%
|
-48,76%
|
|
St. John the Baptist/SC
|
78,57%
|
-8,76%
|
203,24%
|
-8,84%
|
|
Nova Serrana/MG
|
33,66%
|
-6.46%
|
80,48%
|
-8,11%
|
|
Average
|
58,55%
|
-20,56%
|
75,99%
|
-32,20%
|
|
standard
deviation
|
27,88%
|
16,27%
|
82,41%
|
22,70%
|
Source: Prepared
by the authors based on data from RAIS (2022).
(1)
Jobs = total active
employment as of 12/31.
(2)
Number of industries: IBGE Subsector 12 (1991-1993); CNAE 95 Div (1994-2005) and CNAE 2.0 Div
(from 2006).
In 2019 Sindicalçados resumed fostering
closer ties with the retail sector and organized
the local fair Jaú Fashion Show. Despite
this initiative and with the emergence of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, the Jaú
industry saw a reduction in the number of companies (-8.9%) and formal jobs
(-26.3%) between 2019 and 2020 (RAIS, 2022).
Although there is a relationship between
the performance of the productive agglomeration nad the economic crisis and
competition, it was necessary to test whether the variation between the periods
studied and economic data was significant.
Table 2 presents the summary of ANOVA for the data on the
variation of companies between the
periods studied.
H₀ is rejected when the probability
value of the test (p-value) is lower than the significance level (p-value <
0.05). This situation is confirmed
when the F-statistic calculated in the test is greater than the critical value of the distribution,
considering the same degrees of freedom of the test.
Table 2
ANOVA summary for company variation between the periods
2002-2009 and 2010-2019
|
Source of variation
|
SQ
|
Gl
|
MQ
|
F
|
P-value
|
Critical F
|
|
Companies
|
1,564835
|
1
|
1,564835
|
30,04282
|
0,000587
|
5,317655
|
|
Residuals
|
0,416695
|
8
|
0,052087
|
|
|
|
|
Total
|
1,98153
|
9
|
|
|
|
|
Source: Research
data
Therefore, considering a significance
level of 5%, it can be said that the statistical test rejected H₀ (there is no
difference between the periods) since the probability value of the test was
less than 5% (p-value equal to 0.000587).
Similarly, for the data on employment variations
(Table 3), ANOVA also rejected
H₀,
since the probability value of the test was less than 5% (p-value equal to 0.022135).
Table 3
ANOVA summary for employment variation between the periods
2002-2009 and 2010-2019
|
Source of variation
|
SQ
|
Gl
|
MQ
|
F
|
P-value
|
Critical F
|
|
Jobs
|
2,926594
|
1
|
2,926594
|
8,01144
|
0,022135
|
5,317655
|
|
Waste
|
2,922414
|
8
|
0,365302
|
|
|
|
|
Total
|
5,849008
|
9
|
|
|
|
|
Source: Research
data
The statistical analysis indicated a reliable difference
between the periods and also in the economic results, being more expressive for
the productive agglomeration of Jaú when compared with the other regions,
corroborating the alternative hypothesis regarding the performance and
influence of local institutional actors in the institutional change of the
agglomeration. The literature describes that agents can make changes by
withdrawing public support from the existing institution, where the results may
not initially be perceived as contributing to institutional opposition,
although they often are (Rocco & Thurston, 2014).
4.5
Analysis of the results
The narratives and events described in Chart 3 indicated
the type of change as layering,
as this type of change is not due to a single critical conjuncture, but to the
progressive insertion of new
elements throughout the traditional arrangements, as indicated by Streeck
and Thelen (2005). These changes may go unnoticed at the time of their
enactment, but after a certain level, they can reach an inflection point that
can completely change the functioning of the system (Streeck & Thelen,
2005; Maggetti, 2014).
The 2001 signing of the PSI
created conditions for obtaining both financial resources and visibility for
the agglomeration since all the entities came... put a spotlight, and
everyone (entities) wanted to offer things to the industry... and it was great (E01).
It was the moment when the institutional support of the State and class
entities had great importance when specialized consultancies were made
available (Sindicalçados, 2022; Tavares et al., 2011) as well as public
resources (SDE, 2022).
However, the Public Civil Action of 2009 caused changes
by reducing Sebrae's activities throughout
the national territory, with an immediate impact on the agglomeration
of Jaú (Table 3 and Table 1). This event could have destabilized established
practices or triggered an abrupt change in the institutional arrangement that
might have modified the productive and economic
activity of this locality, as well as the collapsing of the institution or the replacement by another, as
suggested by the punctuated equilibrium model (True, Jones, & Baumgartner,
1999).
What was observed was that these external
events had an impact, but did not alter the governance structure or redirect
the institution towards
new purposes, transforming its
functions
and the roles they played, as advocated by the type of drift change
(Hacker et al., 2015; Mahoney & Thelen, 2010). As indicated by
Thelen (2003), some institutional arrangements are more resistant to change,
even in the face of external shocks, because an important source of
institutional change is the misalignment between existing arrangements,
interests, and needs of the actors that constitute these same arrangements
(Thornton, Ocasio, & Lounsbury,
2012).
Another issue refers to the very formation of
the agglomerate, focused on production, it
was not a model focused on the market, on the customer... otherwise, it would
have prospered (E03). One
of the explanations for the adoption of this model may be related to the way
Jaú's production was constituted and expanded, generally obeying the rule that
the new footwear manufacturers are former employees of companies that left
and opened new businesses and did not appropriate their role as entrepreneurs,
always referring to themselves as
shoemakers (E06). Empirical
studies reinforce the role of the historical trajectory as a starting point for
the study of institutional change and how institutions evolve and reproduce the
model already established by actors and groups (Streeck, 2009; Maggetti, 2014,
Capoccia & Kelemen, 2007).
Thus, the identification of the type of change in layers
points to a trend of continuity and maintenance of the institutional structure.
Even after the findings of the research, some interviewees mentioned
difficulties in making changes, especially those imposed by the market,
particularly the valorization of local production, ecological appeal and the
rescue of the identity of the cluster.
As pointed out by Coraiola et al., (2015) and
Mahoney and Thelen (2010), political and institutional issues can give rise to
some kind of agent that triggers change. For this type of change, agents must
have the resources to sponsor and make changes outside of existing policies
(Rocco & Thurston, 2014). This seems to have been the case
with Sebrae who aimed to create
viable alternatives and changes to the original institution by making available
financial, material, or intellectual resources that would persuade the actors
that the change in the institution would be necessary.
Regarding Sebrae specifically, the
manufacturers saw it as a financial entity and not as a professional training entity (E02). For E06, one of the
main failures of Sebrae was that we should not do it for them (entrepreneurs), we (Sebrae) can even
diagnose, but they are the ones who
have to do it, their way, and this I think was
one of the factors that also "hindered" the maturation process. Layered
change is marked by initial institutional ambiguity, with changing rules that
allow groups to reinterpret or reshape institutions according to their
preferences, especially when one institution directly challenges another
parallel institution (Rocco & Thurston, 2014).
For Coccia (2018), in the process of institutional
change, each individual calculates the expected costs and benefits of this
change. The layering category of change assumes that some actors will
try to maintain the institution even if the results achieved are not those
initially predicted, as this meets their interests and objectives to keep it
unchanged (Van Der Heijden, 2014).
In the case studied, there was no environmental
disruption or emergence of a new institutional structure that could alter
socioeconomic or geographical dimensions, exclude social actors, or change economic activity. The agglomeration continues to produce footwear, despite the reported episodes
(Sindicalçados, 2022; Abicalçados, 2022). What was observed was how the
presence and actions of an important actor such as Sebrae generated positive
externalities when there were financial
resources available and how the reduction of its
action was perceived by the locality (Favoni, Paulillo, & Sacomano
Neto, 2019).
Layering change occurs as a
product of the interaction among actors, ideas, and institutions (Béland;
Powell, 2016). As Schickler (2001) points out, the layering occurs when one
institution directly challenges another parallel institution, thus eroding
support for the latter. Consequently, the studied institutional structure
induced change through the interaction among institutions, in this case, one of
them being Sebrae. The change agents (Sebrae, for example) could make modest
changes, and the result of the changes was an institution similar to the
initial one (Rocco & Thurston, 2014).
5 Final
considerations
This study analyzed
the type of institutional change in the productive agglomeration of footwear in Jaú between the years 2001 and 2019. The results
pointed to the type of change called layering, according to the typology
proposed by Mahoney and Thelen (2010), because the institutional elements
identified in the research had an impact on agglomeration, but did not modify
its structure or its political composition or economic characteristic. The
study shows the role of institutions to explain economic
results (North, 1990; Fligstein & Goldstein, 2022), regional
development (Beckert, 2010; Benner, 2017, Jacometti, Gonçalves, & Castro,
2014) and institutional change (Gerschewski, 2021, Greenwood et al., 2002;
Thelen, 2003).
The conclusion of this work as an institutional change in
layers points to a trend of continuity and maintenance of the same procedures
and models of production, management, and techniques established before the
events reported in the work. They are seen as sufficient to achieve the results
desired by the actors (companies), even after the organizational and
institutional performance of actors such as Sebrae, as also indicated in the
research results of Streeck and Thelen (2005).
It should be
noted that the present
research made a methodological
choice (case study) due to access to
the object of study and interviewees. Thus, future studies could investigate
institutional changes in other locations, especially those formed by micro and
small enterprises (MSEs), as they are
influential actors in the economic and social development of various regions of
Brazil (Saraiva et al., 2020). In addition,
we opted for a delimitation of the group of interviewees, focusing on those
social actors directly involved with the actions and events reported.
Further studies are needed to analyze the internal
dynamics and aspects that represent obstacles or institutional dispositions for
more substantial changes, especially the norms and beliefs that constitute
informal institutions and how they influence the behaviors and dispositions of
individuals, such as entrepreneurs in the formation or maintenance of
productive agglomerations (Coccia, 2018; Thornton, Ocasio, & Lounsbury,
2012).
As a suggestion for the actors involved, the literature
and the results indicated that regional economic development is linked to the
dynamics of the structure and relations between the actors and the institutions
that can create ways to adapt to the new economic context, either through the
introduction of new technologies, integration between social and economic
forces and/or in the relations of cooperation and trust between the actors.
Finally, a practical implication of the present work consists of discussing how external events
or factors impact the institutional environment with economic and productive
repercussions, especially in productive agglomerations formed by micro and small businesses. It is believed that this is a
theme that continually needs to be explored in institutional studies.
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Appendix 1 - Questions
addressed in the survey
1) When and
how did the cluster of shoe companies in Jaú form?
2) What historical facts were decisive for the
cluster?
3) What
projects or public policies were most important for the shoe producers in Jaú?
4) In your opinion,
which entities were most decisive for the cluster
in recent years?
5) Was there any
change in the organization and/or coordination of the cluster and who did it benefit?
6) Was there any
technological change or innovation that changed the way companies in Jaú work?
Which? When?
7)
Did the footwear industries in Jaú follow a business model?
Which? Why?
8) Was there and is there
still some kind of cooperation between the footwear industries and entities?
9) At some point did the footwear
industry in Jaú have its own identity
(brand, quality, national
projection)?
10)
What is the value of the footwear
industries for the municipality of Jaú? And for the region?
11) Were there
practices by entities or public policies that sought to increase the
participation of companies in improving and managing the cluster?
12) How do you identify the
positioning of the actors in favor and against the participation of the
entities in the organization of the shoe agglomeration of Jaú?
13) Is there or was there articulation between the actors (entities and companies)?
14) In your opinion, what are the biggest
challenges and obstacles for the footwear
industry in Jaú? Why?
i Doutor em Engenharia de Produção pela Universidade Federal
de São Carlos - SP. Mestre em Economia pela Universidade Estadual de Maringá -
PR. Bacharel em Economia pela Universidade Estadual de Londrina - PR.
Atualmente é professor e pesquisador RJI das Faculdades de Tecnologia de Jahu e
Bauru/SP - Brasil.
ii Doutor em Engenharia de Produção pela Universidade Federal
de São Carlos (UFSCar). Bacharel em Administração de Empresas pela Pontifícia
Universidade Católica (PUC) e mestre
em Engenharia de Produção pela Universidade de São Paulo (USP).
Pós-doutorado em Sociologia Econômica pela Universidade da Califórnia
(Berkeley- USA) Atualmente é Professor e pesquisador da Universidade Federal de
São Carlos - Departamento de Engenharia de Produção e coordenador do Programa
de Pós-Graduação em Gestão de Organizações e Sistemas Públicos - UFSCar - São
Carlos - SP – Brasil
iii Titulação:
Doutor em Economia pelo Instituto de Economia da UNICAMP - Campinas - SP.
Mestre em Engenharia de Produção pela Universidade Federal de São Carlos - SP.
Bacharel em Economia pela Universidade Estadual Paulista - Araraquara - SP. Atualmente é Professor Titular do
Departamento de Engenharia de Produção da Universidade Federal de São Carlos e
Diretor do Centro de Ciências Exatas e de Tecnologia da Universidade Federal de São Carlos - SP.
iv Doutorando em Engenharia de Produção da
Universidade Federal de São Carlos - SP em parceria com Doctorado en Ingeniería
de Organización da Universidad Politécnica de Madrid -
Espanha. Bacharel em Engenharia de
Produção Mecânica pela Escola de Engenharia de São Carlos - SP (EESC/USP)
(2011) e Mestrado em Engenharia de Produção - USP - São Carlos - SP. Atualmente
é professor afastado da Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul.
